Sign-On Statement
URGENT CALL FOR PHILIPPINE CIVIL SOCIETY TO ASSERT CIVIC SPACES AND PEOPLE'S RIGHT TO DEVELOPMENT
The challenges for Philippine development are mounting and demand urgent action.
Threats to development
Economic growth has been hyped as rapid and among the fastest in the region for decades, including after the pandemic lockdowns. Yet the majority of Filipinos are still poor – if anything, poverty and hunger have even worsened.[1] Domestic agriculture and Filipino manufacturing have fallen to historic lows.[2] Environmental destruction is relentless.
What the economic growth has most of all done is make a small elite increasingly prosperous. The wealth of the richest Filipinos and of the largest corporations have grown to historic highs.[3] Meanwhile, the national economy has never been more dominated by and dependent on foreign capital.[4]
These are not accidental outcomes. They are the result of conscious social and economic policies passed by the legislature, implemented by the executive, and enforced by the judiciary. They are deliberate policy choices by a political system that is democratic in form but deeply undemocratic in substance and in practice. The Filipino people are left behind by the economy because the economy is not run by and for them but instead by and for elites.
Oligarchs and dynastic families have always made sure to profit from emerging commercial opportunities through their control over public finance, resources and regulatory authority.[5] Economic and political elites are intertwined in a web of oligarch-run political parties and corrupt government officials.[6] Foreign powers have pushed neoliberal “free market” globalization policies on the Filipino people for over 50 years since the Marcos dictatorship. The recurring squabbles of elite factions, such as between the Marcoses and the Dutertes today, do not alter any of these in any way.
Struggles for development
This structural poverty, inequality and elite domination have long spurred struggles for justice, democracy and development. People’s organizations and non-government organizations (NGOs), activists and development workers, and other human rights defenders are the most determined political forces for change for the better in the country.[7] They provide services to communities as well as advocate for real and radical reforms.
The efforts to organize and empower communities make social movements the biggest challenges to the unjust, undemocratic and anti-development status quo. This is why they have always borne the brunt of political repression by state forces intent on preserving the elite wealth, power and domination ingrained in the status quo. Movements for real change have been under fire since the birth of the Philippine Republic, during post-war independence, under the Marcos dictatorship, and throughout the restoration of elite democracy.
The previous Duterte administration however raised political repression to new levels to intensify a trend that continues today under the Marcos Jr government. Violence such as extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and other threats to life and liberty are ever-present.[8]
But repressive laws and legal mechanisms have also been greatly expanded to give the government even more powers and wider coverage. The new measures include the Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) of 2020 and Anti-Money Laundering Act (AMLA) amendments, various memorandum circulars and local government resolutions, the creation of the notorious National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC), and other programs.[9]
Red-tagging, public vilification, and lawfare have correspondingly expanded many times over. In particular, civil society organizations (CSOs) and NGOs are facing tighter regulations and greater financial repression and political harassment.[10] The government’s efforts to narrow and control civic space seriously restricts the rights to freedom of assembly, association and expression.
The attacks on civil society, including the harassment and vilification of NGOs and activists, are not just isolated incidents – they are part of a broader assault on the principles of democracy and equality. These actions seek to weaken the voices that advocate for the marginalized, to undermine the movements that challenge the status quo, and to silence the calls for accountability from those in power.
The erosion of democratic institutions, coupled with the rising tide of political repression, creates an adverse environment for local development initiatives and for social, economic and political reforms. Advocacy and activism combined with strategic engagement with international allies can apply pressure on those who undermine democracy and human rights in the Philippines.
Urgency of action
Civil society and all frontline defenders of human rights and social justice recognize the gravity of this moment and will respond with unity, courage, and resolve.
Let us rise to this challenge with the same spirit of transformation, resilience and solidarity that has always defined our work. Let us build our broad coalitions to push back against repression and demand systemic change. It is crucial that we reclaim the narrative – one that is based on truth, justice, and the collective aspiration for a fair and just society.
We cannot retreat in the face of fear or repression.
We must harness our collective strength, draw on our deep-rooted commitment to social justice, and continue the struggle for a better future for our country.
We must confront the wealthy elites who dominate the economy, the self-serving politicians and dynasties who corrupt governance, and the state which persecutes and attacks.
We must stir hope among the people and show that working together will make it possible for every Filipino to live with dignity, free from poverty, and with their rights fully respected.
The future of the Philippines depends on the struggle for justice, democracy and development for all.
The time to act is now.
Footnotes
[1] The Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) reports 2.99 million poor Filipino families (10.9% of families) with 17.5 million poor Filipinos (15.5% of population) in 2023 using an unrealistically low average poverty threshold of Php91 per person per day.
In contrast, the Social Weather Stations (SWS) reported the number of self-rated poor families growing by 3.4 million since June 2022 to reach 16 million (58% of families) by June 2024; the number of self-rated poor and borderline families was a large 19.3 million (70% of families). The reported number of hungry families grew by two (2) million to 4.9 million (18% of families) over that same period. The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) meanwhile reported that 18.5 million households (69% of households) did not have any savings, in the bank or elsewhere, in the second quarter of 2024.
[2] In 2023, according to PSA data, the share of manufacturing in the economy fell to 18% of gross domestic product (GDP) in 2023 which is the smallest since its 16.3% share in 1949 or 75 years ago. The 8.6% share of agriculture is the smallest in the country’s history.
[3] Forbes reports the wealth of the 50 richest Filipinos growing to US$81 billion (Php4.6 trillion at prevailing exchange rates) in 2024; this is concentrated among the very richest with a net worth of US$55 billion (Php3.1 trillion).
IBON meanwhile estimates that the country’s richest 2% (some 500,000 families) have accumulated Php25 trillion (US$450 billion) in wealth which is as much as the poorest 80% have combined (some 22 million families). There is inequality even among this super-rich – just 3,000 billionaires hold Php8.2 trillion (US$147 billion) or one-third of that elite wealth.
[4] IBON computations on data from the PSA and United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) show US$113 billion in foreign direct investment (FDI) stock in the country as of 2022. This is equivalent to over 28% of GDP – which is even more than the equivalent shares of FDI to GDP in China (18.2%), Taiwan (17%) and South Korea (15.9%).
[5] IBON estimates that some 300-400 political families dominate political life. Historically, 90% of our presidents have come from political clans. Today, 80% of governors, 60% of senators, and over half of representatives (51%) and mayors (53%) are from political clans.
[6] The three richest Filipinos are behind and bankroll three of the country’s five biggest political parties – Enrique Razon’s National Unty Party (NUP), Manuel Villar’s Nacionalista Party (NP), and Ramon Ang’s Nationalist People’s Coalition (NPC). Their three parties control over one-third of the Senate (38% of members), House of Representatives (40% of members) and provinces (38% of governors).
[7] There are some 378,500 registered CSOs in the country as of 2021, including: 172,747 Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC)-registered non-stock, non-profit organizations; 66,407 workers associations; 85,833 labor organizations; 28,784 cooperatives; and 24,693 homeowners groups. Of these, there are approximately 3,000-5,000 development-oriented NGOs aside from the many thousands of registered and unregistered people’s organizations.
[8] Human rights group Karapatan has monitored 104 victims of extrajudicial killings (EJKs), 75 frustrated EJKs, 12 enforced disappearances, 28 torture victims, 381 cases of illegal arrest, and 3.4 million victims of threats/harassment/intimidation, among other human rights violations under the Marcos Jr administration (July 2022 to June 2024).
[9] Karapatan reports at least 112 human rights defenders with criminal complaints or charges under the Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA, RA 11479) and the Terrorism Financing, Prevention and Suppression Act (TFPSA, RA 10168). Thirty-two (32) individuals are detained on trumped-up charges under these laws.
[10] The Defend NGOs network reports at least 59 development workers and 21 NGOs or networks in Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao being harassed with spurious charges related to terrorism as of July 2024. Fifty-five (55) individuals from 19 organizations are baselessly accused of financing or otherwise supporting terrorism; another four (4) NGO workers are absurdly claimed of engaging government soldiers in firefights or ambushing a security guard.
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